Those of us who work for others, either directly or in a client relationship, must walk and chew gum at the same time. I love my clients. I am deeply loyal to them. But I shouldn't and wouldn't lie for them.
What's going on here? All the recent polls show trust in corporations at or near historic lows. According to Gallup's survey about six months ago, only 22% expressed trust in banks and only 16% said they trusted big business.
Okay. So it's fairly safe to say that Americans are skeptical that businesses have their best interests at heart. But here's where the Obama Administration and Congress may be going off track: citizens don't believe that the answer is in regulating and legislating businesses into doing the right thing.
And by the way, according to Gallup, there is a dramatic split in how Republicans and Democrats view this. More than 8 in 10 Republicans are against more government regulation, compared to about one in three Democrats who are against more regulation.
The takeaway for businesses? Do more to show your commitment to your customers. Don't misread that. The takeaway is not to SELL more to customers. It's to do more to show your commitment to your customers. Better service. Better explanations of your policies. When something goes wrong, do your level best to fix it. Be in touch, even when you're not trying to get more business.
It's all about being a step ahead of the needs and desires of customers.
Do we need more regulation of banks? You bet. That system rewards risky behavior - at the expense of Main Street investors. But being a step ahead of your customers will be viewed far more favorably by most Americans than more government regulation.
The far Left is wailing and gnashing teeth over the Supreme Court's mystifying decision equating a corporation's political free speech rights to an individual's. My friends on the Left are gnawing their fingernails over the prospect of corporations spending millions to defeat an elected official who dares to cross the corporation.
They fret that after one or two politicians are picked off by the vengeful corporation, others will fold like a cheap suit, toward the will of rapacious corporate interests.
Not so fast.
If the Supremes had issued this goofball ruling in 1975, that might have been the case. Back then, we had three networks, along with three strong local stations affiliates, and we had a local newspaper. Their advertising rates were so expensive only corporations could afford these primary ways of communicating with voters.
But today, the Internet has vaporized that barrier to the entrance of the town square. Look no farther than Obama campaign manager David Plouffe's fine book, "The Audacity to Win." In writing about the campaign's communication strategy, Plouffe rarely mentions TV advertising without also underscoring the importance of YouTube and social media to Obama's success.
Anybody with a broadband connection and something to say can generate an equal and opposite reaction to corporate expenditures attempting to take down an errant officeholder.
But more important, it's unlikely that we'll see corporations spending millions of dollars to oust offending politicians simply because the risks far outweigh the rewards. Sure, millions in TV advertising by a company could result in some feckless politician losing an election.
But let's remember – corporations never win popularity contests with voters. After the bank bailout, executive compensation and million-dollar bonuses on Wall Street, corporate America is more unpopular than ever. Let's face it -- many corporations are remarkably ham-fisted when it comes to the intersection of business and politics.
In some respects, being attacked by a corporation could be the best thing that could happen to a candidate.
They fret that after one or two politicians are picked off by the vengeful corporation, others will fold like a cheap suit, toward the will of rapacious corporate interests.
Not so fast.
If the Supremes had issued this goofball ruling in 1975, that might have been the case. Back then, we had three networks, along with three strong local stations affiliates, and we had a local newspaper. Their advertising rates were so expensive only corporations could afford these primary ways of communicating with voters.
But today, the Internet has vaporized that barrier to the entrance of the town square. Look no farther than Obama campaign manager David Plouffe's fine book, "The Audacity to Win." In writing about the campaign's communication strategy, Plouffe rarely mentions TV advertising without also underscoring the importance of YouTube and social media to Obama's success.
Anybody with a broadband connection and something to say can generate an equal and opposite reaction to corporate expenditures attempting to take down an errant officeholder.
But more important, it's unlikely that we'll see corporations spending millions of dollars to oust offending politicians simply because the risks far outweigh the rewards. Sure, millions in TV advertising by a company could result in some feckless politician losing an election.
But let's remember - corporations never win popularity contests with voters. After the bank bailout, executive compensation and million-dollar bonuses on Wall Street, corporate America is more unpopular than ever. Let's face it - many corporations are remarkably ham-fisted when it comes to the intersection of business and politics.
In some respects, being attacked by a corporation could be the best thing that could happen to a candidate.
In surveying the morning news coverage of the John Edwards debacle, the only sympathetic figure I saw was my longtime friend and sometimes competitor, public relations pro Joyce Fitzpatrick. Joyce ended up being a spokesperson for Edwards.
In Friday's News & Observer: "I don't have any plans to return to public life," Edwards said through spokeswoman Joyce Fitzpatrick late Wednesday. "I just hope that I can find another way to serve."
And then, later in the same article: Edwards said through Fitzpatrick, the spokeswoman, that he had lied so long, in part, out of concern for his wife, Elizabeth, who has an incurable cancer, and their children.
Oh, brother. For those of us in the communications world, a client like Edwards is a nightmare. It brings to mind the old joke, "How can you tell when (in this case) John Edwards is lying?" Answer: "His mouth is moving."
It is hard to be a spokesperson or an advisor for anyone in a position of power or authority - even when they're telling the truth. Mainstream media and much of the blogosphere view it as their mission to reduce them from larger than life to smaller than life. As Finley Peter Dunne, the Chicago humorist, once wrote, "My business is to comfort the afflicted and afflict the comforted."
Not only does John Edwards fall comfortably into the comforted class, so do CEOs of most U.S. corporations, university presidents and heads of nonprofit organizations.
So my dear friend Joyce Fitzpatrick surely knows that being a spokesman for John Edwards is as precarious as being a landmine sweeper. For better or worse, when you become a spokesman for someone, you put your credibility on the line, too.
You always hope that clients will be honest with you if you're their public relations adviser. After all, you can't give them your best advice if they don't level with you. But some people - apparently Edwards is one of them - become separated from the ability to even know the truth, much less tell it on an ongoing basis.
Having known Joyce for as long as I have, I know her advice to Edward was: Tell the truth. Tell it all. Don't shade it. Get it all out and keep on keeping on." If only for Joyce's sake, I hope he takes it.
This is the time of year when I'm immersed in annual planning -- budgets, initiatives, compensation, org chart tweaks.
This kind of examination also means you have to look realistically at what's not working. In this climate, it's easy to blame the economy for anything that's not humming. The challenge is to separate dysfunction caused by economic disruption from dysfunction caused by the way we're organized to get work done, or by poor decisions we've made on staffing a project. Or, who knows, maybe it's the client who's dysfunctional.
Planning is not as much fun as client work. Plans are created. Time lines set out. Responsibilities assigned. But every person tasked with carrying out new a new planning initiative already has a plate heaped with client responsibilities. So it's crucial that we focus on the top two or or three most-needed adjustments.
The iconic management consultant Peter Drucker, had a series of crucial questions he would ask managers of the companies that had engaged him. Among those questions: "What are you doing now that you should stop doing?"
For an organization like Capstrat that has a big tool kit of services, that's a crucial question. Not that we should shut down our Interactive Group or stop doing Public Affairs.
But should we only work for clients who are willing to push us as hard for great work as we want to push them? On another front, should we continue working with clients whose procurement process makes doing great work unlikely?
Important questions....
I usually go for a run about 6:15 a.m. But because of a string of early-morning meetings, I’ve recently run a few times after work. I live in town and run on the sidewalk alongside busy streets, so I pay attention to the cars.
I’ve been surprised – stunned, almost – at the number of drivers holding up their Blackberrys and IPhones paying scant attention to traffic, much less to defenseless runners.
I know what you’re saying: “Ken, you, of all people, have room to talk.” It’s true. I’m chief offender of texting while driving. Heck, when I was a newspaper reporter on deadline, I used to compose stories while driving down I-85 at 65 miles an hour.
But running against traffic where every other driver was holding up a Blackberry at eye level was an eye-opening experience.
So I turn myself in. I will only read my email at red lights. Hold me accountable. And honk when the light turns green.